1 Black Lives Matter in the Midwest: An investigation of what it means to be a Black American in Indianapolis

When discussing the topic of slavery, Black rights, and diversity in the United States, the Midwest is often absent from the conversation. One might reference the historic and often-taught events in Birmingham, Alabama or Atlanta, Georgia; however, the involvement of the midwestern states, such as Indiana, in the course of the Civil War and sequential Civil Rights movements is not commonly known. Such begs the question: what is it like to be Black in the Midwest? The Midwest, and Indiana in particular, is often stereotyped as a corn-producing, beer-drinking, white man’s haven, yet the region is inhabited by a number of ethnic groups including Black or African American peoples. Thankfully, the history of life as a Black individual in the Midwest has been documented through novels, art, poetry, and research since Indiana’s founding. Through careful analysis of statistics, media, and literature, this paper will investigate how Indianapolis has historically complied with the national climate of racial discrimination, worked to improve the quality of life for its Black citizens, and struggled to equalize the playing field for Black families to ultimately discover that living as a Black person in Indiana is a unique experience.

Richard Pierce of Notre Dame University once said, “Black people have always been a part of Indianapolis – we were here when it was founded, and we will be here far into the future”1. Implicit in this statement is that some individuals continue to question the presence of Black peoples in Indianapolis, and perhaps the nation as a whole. While only 55 out of 1066 original settlers of Indiana were Black (Pierce), today, approximately 30% of Indianapolis citizens identify as Black or African American (“Indianapolis, Indiana Population 2020”). Although Dr. Pierce’s claim that Black people play a vital role in Indianapolis is undisputed, the current political climate of Indianapolis and surrounding areas has unfortunately resulted in a negative trajectory for its Black citizens.

To better understand this current racial divide in Indianapolis, it is imperative that we step back into the racial historical contexts of Indiana. As acknowledged by Dr. Pierce, Black people were present and functioning citizens upon the founding of Indiana as a state in the 18th century. It is understood that their presence as farmers was at first vital and appreciated; however, by the early 19th century, the anti-slavery versus slavery disagreements resulted in significant prejudice against Black peoples of Indiana. Such prejudice climaxed with Article XIII of the Indiana Constitution of 1851 stating that “No negro or mulatto shall come into, or settle in the state, after the adoption of this constitution” (“Being Black in Indiana”). By 1851, Blacks in Indianapolis were required to register themselves and their family members, mirroring the system used in modern day for sexual assault offenders. The climate for inclusion and diversity was nowhere to be found even in the Midwest. Regardless of the 1851 constitution, however, Emma Lou Thornbrough, a notable Indianapolis historian, writes that Indianapolis had cultivated “one of the largest Negro communities in the state,” by 1860 only to double by 1870 (Thornbrough, 52 ). As such, Indianapolis had become a cultural center for Black peoples residing in Indiana, a trend that continues into modern day.

Even 150 years later, Black or African American citizens of Indianapolis face a very different reality than its White citizens. Most notably, the majority of Black households are single-person with single mother homes taking second place. This leaves half as many Black families being married than white families. Additionally, Black individuals earn significantly less money than white individuals ultimately leading to a decreased rate of home ownership (Indiana Business Research Center). Marshawn Wolley, member of the African American Coalition of Indianapolis, commented on such disparities by saying, “The home ownership rates, the rent burdens, the food deserts are all putting the African American community in a situation where there’s a sense that you have to operate in a scarcity mode or a survival mode. That creates bad decisions that reduce the ability to handle conflict and shock” (“’We Don’t Talk about”). Mr. Wolley is pointing to the astonishingly high murder rates in Indianapolis with 75% of homicide victims being Black in 2019(Cooper). This disproportionate rate of violence points to clear deficits in resources for Black citizens of Indianapolis and call for action among Indianapolis policymakers and advocates. These reported statistics and concerns make it clear that racial disparities continue to raid African Americans of an equal chance at success. Given this situation, a black agenda has been set in place to “look at our [Black persons’] pain and our [Black persons’] possibility” (“’We Don’t Talk about”).

The black agenda in Indianapolis is supported and pushed forward through policy reform, literature, and philanthropy. Setting the scene for this movement of Black empowerment and support is Mari Evans, Indianapolis poet, with her work “I am a Black Woman” which can be found in the Appendix. Within this work, Mari Evans communicates her life story as a series of irregular arpeggios in a minor key – one often associated with sadness or grief. Despite the tragedy, trauma, and trials expressed in the second stanza, however, she stands firm and solid as a tree to act in defiance of her current situation as a Black woman in the Midwest. This is a work that inspires. This is a work that aids other Black Americans in moving forward rather than turning to the “bad decisions” Marshawn Wolley continues to bring to light today as a member of the African American Coalition of Indianapolis. The African American Coalition of Indianapolis, founded in 2004 to educate and support Black persons of Indianapolis, is the second notable example of ways in which the black agenda is progressed and supported in the Indianapolis area. Such is actively acting set the city apart in engaging its Black community(6).

Third, Indiana University Purdue University of Indianapolis (IUPUI) has recently opened the Africana Repertory Theater of IUPUI (ARTI) to highlight the Black Journey in Circle City through theater. The founder, Margo Eccles, explains its purpose by stating, “It is a very important avenue, I feel like, for young people like myself to be able to have a place or safe haven to just be able to exchange culture differences and expressions. Also, be able to identify with something universal” (“IUPUI Launches New Project”). It is crucial for this given demographic in particular to have a space to feel safe to express themselves, their culture, and their beliefs without potential ramifications.

Fourth and lastly, the political response to the diminished trajectory for Black persons in Indianapolis is addressed politically through the Peacemakers program. This program implemented by Mayor Hogsett is comprised of “a group of individuals who work in neighborhoods to prevent conflict before it turns violent” (Cooper). In conjunction with this initiative, Mayor Hogsett made “beat policing” a standard in Indianapolis to increase interaction between the community and police. Such decreases the threat of police, educates police on the culture of their patrol area, and decreases the likelihood of gun violence(Cooper).

So, what is it like to be Black in the Midwest? Although the population of Black Americans in Indianapolis continues to increase each year, the lack of equality and resources provided to the population remains stagnant. Today, being a Black citizen of Indianapolis leads to a decreased likelihood of owning a home, earning equal wages, attaining an education and increases the likelihood of being the victim of a homicide or becoming a single mother. Ultimately, the existing literature, art, and statistics show that Black Americans in Indianapolis continue on a similar national trajectory of inequality while fighting against the stereotypes of Midwestern culture and doing what they can to progress the black agenda from 1851 to 2020.

Works Cited

“Being Black in Indiana.” Indiana Historical Bureau, State of Indiana, 2020, www.in.gov/history/2548.htm

Cooper, Breanna. “Homicide Rates Increase in Black Community.” Indianapolis Recorder Newspaper, 23 Jan. 2020, www.indianapolisrecorder.com/recorder_headlines/article_68e99fd2- 3dee-11ea-8413-67dca66a98f3.html.

Indiana Business Research Center, and Indiana University Kelley School of Business. “Exploring Hoosier Minority Groups: Indiana’s Black Population.” Exploring Hoosier Minority Groups: Indiana’s Black Population (May-June 2013), www.incontext.indiana.edu/2013/may-
jun/article3.asp.

“Indianapolis, Indiana Population 2020.” Indianapolis, Indiana Population 2020 (Demographics, Maps, Graphs), World Population Review, 2020, worldpopulationreview.com/us-
cities/indianapolis-population.

“IUPUI Launches New Project to Bring More Black Culture and Arts to Indianapolis.” Fox 59, 28 Feb. 2020, fox59.com/hidden-history/iupui-launches-new-project-to-bring-more-Black-culture-and-arts-to-indianapolis/.

Pierce, Richard B. Polite Protest: the Political Economy of Race in Indianapolis, 1920-1970. Indiana Univ. Press, 2005.

Thornbrough, Emma Lou. The Negro in Indiana before 1900: a Study of a Minority. Indiana University Press, 1993.